Mother’s Perspectives of Female Genital Mutilation
CHAPTER ONE
The General and Specific Objectives of the Study
The general objective of this study is:-
To explore initiatives taken by the local community and other stakeholders in the fight against female genital circumcision.
Specific Objectives
This study aims to:-
- To establish the community’s perception of female genital
- Find out what efforts have been put in place by both the community and other stakeholders in abolishing
- To find out what are the levels of acceptance by the community in bringing it to an end.
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Introduction
Female genital cutting is the collective name given to several different traditional practices that involve the cutting of female genitals for cultural or any other non-therapeutic reasons, (Toubia 1995; WHO 1997a; WHO 1997b; WHO 2008a; WHO 2008b; Shell-Duncan et al 2000; FORWARD 2002; UNFPA 2007).
From the studies that have been conducted, four different types of female genital cutting have been identified, (WHO 1997b; WHO 1998; WHO 2008a; WHO 2008b; FORWARD 2002; UNFPA 2007; Shell-Duncan et al 2000).
These include;
- Type I: Partial or total removal of the clitoris and/or the prepuce (clitoridectomy).
- Type II: Partial or total removal of the clitoris and the labia minora, with or without excision of the labia majora (excision).
- Type III: Narrowing of the vaginal orifice with creation of a covering seal by cutting and appositioning the labia minora and/or the labia majora, with or without excision of the clitoris (infibulations).
- Type IV: All other harmful procedures to the female genitalia for non-medical purposes, for example: pricking, piercing, incising, scraping and
FGC: An Overview of the Practice, Definitions and Associated Health Issues
Definitions of FGM
In a joint statement by WHO, UNICEF and the UNFPA on FGC is as follows;
“Female genital cutting comprises all procedures involving partial or total removal of the external female genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs whether for cultural or other non-therapeutic reasons” (WHO, 1997).
Indigenous populations refer to FGC by a variety of localised dialects which, according to feminists Rahman and Toubia, “are often synonymous with purification or cleansing, such as the terms tahara in Egypt, tahur in Sudan and bolokoli in Mali” (Rahman & Toubia, 2000). The terminology itself also varies between and within countries; for example, in the Sudan FGC may be referred to as sunna or infibulation – otherwise known as pharaonic. A common misconception is that FGC is analogous to male circumcision as both practices remove healthy tissue and are carried out on children without them fully understanding it’s impacts on their health. However, there are key differences between them. For example, whereas male circumcision is a requirement of certain religions, FGC is not (WHO, 1998). Moreover, FGC is far more severe than male circumcision since it removes critical parts of the sexual organ. As feminist Zenie-Ziegler confirms, “there is no similarity between male circumcision, a prophylactic measure recommended for boys in almost every society and female circumcision, the goal of which is to diminish, if not suppress sexual desire in women” (Zenie-Ziegler cited in Abu-Sahlieh, 1994).
Types of FGC
The type of mutilation performed depends upon the geographic location and ethnic population as well as the degree or severity of cutting. Recognizing the need for a standardized definition the WHO produced a classification which delineated FGC into four types (WHO, 1995).
The most prevalent forms are Type I and II, which account for approximately 80 to 85 per cent of all mutilations (Morison, 2001; Toubia, 1995). Type III represents the most severe form of mutilation, constituting approximately 15 to 20 per cent of all FGC practiced (WHO, 1998; WHO, 2001).
In this instance, the entire clitoris is removed together with the labia minora and the inner surface of the labia majora. The raw edges of the vulva are then stitched together using either silk, thorns, poultices or catgut sutures leaving a small posterior usually 2 to 3 cm in diameter but sometimes as small as the head of a matchstick, which allows for the flow of menstrual blood and urine. During the healing process, which lasts approximately 2 to 6 weeks, the girl’s legs are bound together from hip to ankle and a foreign object such as a piece of wood or reed is inserted into the opening to prevent closure (WHO, 1998, 2001).
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Introduction
This chapter discusses the research design and methodology used to achieve the objectives of the study. It provides an in-depth understanding of the target population for the study and will apply the use of interview questionnaires for the key informants and guides for the focus group discussions. This will be the techniques used for data collection on the field together with the sampling designs.
Research Design
Blaikie (2000), states that qualitative research is committed to viewing the social world: social action and events from the view point of the people being studied; that is discovering their socially constructed reality and penetrating the frames of meaning within which they conduct their activities.
This study is therefore descriptive in nature. Descriptive because it has endeavored to describe the community’s practice of female genital cutting and efforts taken by the local community and government to abolish this practice. Thus the research aimed at exploring the real life situation of the Maasai from Kajiado district in relation to female genital cutting while in the field.
Site Selection and Description
The research was carried out in Kajiado district. It is in southern Kenya and shares its borders with the districts of Narok in the West, Nairobi in the North and the Republic of Tanzania in the South. It lies on latitude of 0.023559 North and longitude of 37.906193 East on the map. (Macmillan Secondary School Atlas, 2009).
The Maasai people are known to be nomads but the residence of Imbirikani are mostly agriculturalists and thus the reason it was selected by the researcher. The area is fertile making it easy for its residence to settle down and with the areas proximity to Mt. Kilimajaro with the rainfall ranging between 895mm to 2500mm in high season, providing plenty of water, KDHS (2009). The produce from their farms provides them with substantial amount of monies that enable them to take their children to school. However, tradition and culture is as deep rooted in the area just as in any other inhabited by Maasai people.
Source of Data Primary Data
The researcher drew a lot of information from the sample group of 179 individuals on their opinion on the topic. This first hand information has been well illustrated in chapter four with the aid of graphs, tables and percentages.
Secondary Data
Previously researched works on the topic were used in obtaining literature and the required theories to explain this practice, which is not only found to exist in Africa but also in the western countries too.
A substantive amount of information was also collected from newspapers articles and journals. As Stewart (1984), argues, secondary data provides a comparative tool for the research. These helped compare existing data with raw data for purposes of examining differences or trends. However the limitation of using secondary data was that such information was collected for purposes different from the current research.
Target Population
The Imbirikani residence constituted the entire ranch for the study. One group was of girls and women who have undergone FGC. The other group composed of girls and women who have rejected the practice. A third category constituted the government and employees of organizations (Stakeholders- NGO’s and health worker) who work in the struggle to end this practice. The informants were purposively selected because either they were directly involved in the fight against female genital cutting, or they were personally affected by the practice.
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA ANALYSIS, PRESENTATION AND INTERPRETATION
Introduction
This chapter presents results, interpretation and discussions within the framework of the set study. Female genital circumcision locally known as “emurata” is practiced in Imbirikani group ranch, a remote area of Kajiado district.
The Maasai people perceive female genital cutting as a remedy to reduce if not stop promiscuity among its girls. Therefore, it is an important rite of passage among them. It is practiced in the months of August and December of every year on girls mostly at the age of puberty. It is a well celebrated event that involves the entire community; it is marked by joyful revelry and feasting. A traditional circumciser, usually an elderly woman with great experience, performs the actual procedure. All the girls are circumcised on the same day and, until recent times, with the same instrument, usually a sharp knife known as an “ormurunya”. A paste made from cow dung and milk fat is applied to stop bleeding. The end of the period of seclusion is also marked by celebrations officially welcoming the girls into womanhood.
There are various types of FGC being practiced across Kenya. This has been well illustrated and discussed into details in chapter two. According to Rosemarie Skaine (2005), Type II is the most common type of procedure performed on the Maasai girls and women. Where there is a partial or total removal of the clitoris and the labia minora, with or without excision of the labia majora (excision). This is similar to what is described by (Shell-Duncan et al 2000) and (WHO, 1998).
Demographic Data of the Respondents
The respondents targeted in the field comprised of the key informants; a stakeholder-NGO representative, health worker (doctor or certified nurse) and area chief. The others were the girls and women who constituted the main focus of the study.
According to the maasai culture a girl (entito) is one who is uncircumcised while a woman is one whose been cut. For the purposes of this study will use the terms circumcised and uncircumcised to differentiate the cut and uncut girl. The religious leaders, elders of the community and the morans’ were also engaged as their input offered a general take on the practice. From the respondents the following data was collected, the sample size of the interviewed girls both uncircumcised and circumcised was 126 and their age ranged between 11- 16 years. While that of the interviewed women was 50 of whom all are cut and are 30 years of age and above.
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Introduction
This chapter presents a summary of major findings and recommendations. The study sought to find out;
- The community’s perception of female genital
- The efforts that had been put by both the community and other stakeholders in abolishing this
- The levels of acceptance by the community in bringing it to an
Summary
In Imbirikani group ranch, the women who are of the age of thirty years and above are all circumcised. This practice is being carried out by the women as a majority of them believe that it is there duty to carry on with the fabric passed on to them by their ancestors. The school going girls are also circumcised as young as nine or ten years of age. Though, some girls get to teenage without being cut due to education and the involvement of the stakeholders.
Through education the girls’ perception has changed over time concerning the practice. They have learnt that there are not different whether cut or uncut. Apart from the harm that some circumcised girls go through during the healing process after the cut and also during child bearing. Thus they are empowered and can decide for themselves on the issue of continuing with tradition once they are of age to have their own families.
The stakeholders who comprise of the government and the local base organizations that are ready to abolish this practice have made strides in their fight against FC. Through the organizations the girls have received support in soldiering on in-spite of the constant ridicule and pressure from their peers. The youth peer educators used by the NGO’s have significantly contributed to this; hence we see an increase in their (uncut girls) number. The alternative rite of passage has not so much been welcomed by all in the ranch, in-spite of it serving the same purpose without causing any harm as the actual practice. Though it has been hard for the NGO’s to fully support the girls due to financial constrains and lack of proper facilities to maintain them.
The continued campaigns by both the stakeholders should also see that the whole community is involved in FC eradication to be successful. The practice should not be viewed to affect only the women and girls but the men too. Since they marry them and incase of any complications faced by their wives especially during child birth should be faced by both. Thus the men should be omnipresent during the health talks or campaigns so as to make them aware of FGC’s harm.
Religious leaders being key community gatekeepers and opinion leaders should too be required to not only openly speak against but talk on the unnecessary pain inflicted on girls during FC. Eradication of the practice needs more active involvement of religious groups than seen to be happening now. The community should be educated on health implications of the practice so that there is less defiance to law prohibiting FC. The enactment of the Children’s Act is a step forward to support FC eradication efforts, which offers government sanctions on the practice.
Although the practice results in multiple health implications; it is not a disease to be cured and has no cure rather than changing the community’s attitude and behavior. The strongest influence is the sheer force of tradition and culture without a true sense of understanding the rationale behind it. Thus the major reason as to why the women and girls are hooked to sustaining it is, “marriage-ability” element. Traditional beliefs about cleanliness, chastity, fidelity and spiritual practice also influence the submission of girls into it.
FGC is a practice that has been passed down from one generation to another for centuries now. It has been accepted as the norm and many cultures especially the Maasai do abide with it. Though there are a few elite members in the ranch majority are uneducated and due to the low status of women, the practice is given to continue. The practice has also been used to perpetrate its continuation through viewing of the uncut girl as immature. Thus many have undergone through it as a sign to prove their maturity. Though majority of them came out in support of its eradication, a good percentage of them still keep to tradition and undertake the practice in secrecy. The few who are of the notion that it should be put to an end are in most cases segregated especially during certain functions in the community. Therefore a lot is still needed to be done in the ranch if this practice is to be done away with.
Conclusion
FGC should be replaced with the alternative rite of passage which is harmless to the girls health. All the stakeholders should be involved in it to ensure that the girl child receives the education that she requires, as education is key.
Recommendations
- This practice should be replaced by an alternative rite of passage which is harmless to the girl’s health and it adheres to the same norms and values of the Maasai. Thus the community should be well educated on it for them to openly embrace
- The stakeholders through their campaigns of using role models should engage them further to act as mentors and reach out to the young girls. This will hence enable the young girls not to easily be swayed by peer pressure and give into the
- The government should be more involved in bringing this practice to an end by providing the necessary resources such as; having stringent rules on the practice, facilities that will accommodate the rescued girls and substantial finance kitty, which will aid the community based organizations be better placed in assisting
REFERENCES
Primary Sources
- Abusharaf, R. Mustafa (2006); “Introduction: The custom in question,” in Rogaia Mustafa Abusharaf. (Ed) Female Circumcision: Multicultural Perspectives. Philadelphia: University of
- Pennsylvania Press A Simple Handbook on the Harmful Traditional Practices (2008).
- Abusharaf, Rogaia (1995); ‘Rethinking feminist discourses on female genital mutilation: The case of Sudan’ Canadian Women Studies 15 (4).
- Amnesty International (1998); Amnesty International Report London: Amnesty International Publications.
- Annas, Catherine (1996); ‘Irreversible error: The power and prejudice of female genital mutilation’ Journal of Contemporary Health Law and Policy 12: 325-353.
- Baden, Sally (1992); The position of women in Islamic countries: possibilities, constraints and strategies for change Brighton: BRIDGE.
- Baltimore: John Hopkins (2004); Female Genital Cutting: Cultural Conflict in the Global Community. University Press.
- Baron, E.M. and Denmark, F.L. (2006); An exploration of Female Genital Mutilation: Psychology Department, Pace University, New York, NY, USA.
