The Concepts of Sacrifice in the Igbo Land Traditional Religion
Chapter One
AIMS OF STUDY
The main aim of this study is to investigate the concepts of sacrifice in the Igbo land traditional religion, in Nigeria.
CHAPTER TWO
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
Theoretical Framework
The Gift Theory
The gift theory of the origin of sacrifice proposed by E.B. Tylor (1871) held that sacrifice was originally a gift to the gods to secure their favour or to minimise their hostilities. This later developed into homage in which the sacrifice no longer expressed any hope for a future; and from homage into abnegation and renunciation, in which the sacrifice more fully offered itself. This theory proposes that higher forms of religion, including monotheism, gradually developed out of animism. A major fault of this theory is that it sees sacrifice as an activity without moral significance (324). It fails to observe that even between humans the giving of gifts establishes a personal relation between giver and recipient. Hence, sacrifice needs not be interpreted as efforts solely aimed to circumvent the higher beings.
Smith’s (1996) understanding is different from that of Tylor. The original meaning of sacrifice, according to him, can be seen more clearly in firstling sacrifices of primitive hunters and food gatherers which are sacrifices of homage and thanksgiving to the Supreme Being to whom everything belongs, and who, therefore, cannot be enriched by “gift sacrifices” (233). These sacrifices of food are often quantitatively small but symbolically important. Smith’s (1997) historical reconstruction, according to which firstlings sacrifices are the earliest form of sacrifice, has not been sufficiently demonstrated (84). From the phenomenological standpoint, this kind of sacrifice in which the gift has symbolic rather than real value and is inspired by a consciousness of dependence and thanksgiving, does exist and, therefore, should not be taken into account in any general discourse on sacrifice.
Smith (1996) developed a theory of sacrifice for the Semitic World that he regarded as universally applicable. He proposed a theory of sacrifice whereby the earliest form of religion was belief in a theomorphic tribal divinity with which the tribe had a blood relationship. Under ordinary circumstances, this totem animal was not to be killed, but there were rituals in which it was slain and eaten in order to renew the community (122). Sacrifice was thus originally a meal in which the offered entered into communion with the totem. Smith’s (1996) theory is valuable for its criticism of the grossly mechanistic theory of Tylor and for its emphasis on the communion (community) aspect of sacrifice. However, it is not sufficient because totemism is not a universal phenomenon in its relationship to sacrifice as described by Smith. Smith’s theory of sacrifice also contributed to Fred’s conception of the slaying of the primal father, which Freud saw as the origin of sacrifice and other institutions, especially the incest taboo.
Henri Hubert and Marcel Mauss (1964) rejected Tylor’s theory because of its mechanistic character. Smith’s (1996) theory was rejected because it arbitrarily chose totemism as a universally applicable point of departure. They themselves began with an analysis of the redic and Hebraic rituals of sacrifice. The victim is not holy by nature (as it is in Smith’s theory); the consecration is effected by destruction, and the connection with the sacral world is completed by a sacred meal. Implied here is the view of the French sociological school that the sacral world is simply a projection of society (333). In consonance with Evans-Pritchard (1965), they held that sacrifice is an act of abnegation by which the individual recognises society; it recalls to particular consciences the presence of collective forces, represented by their gods. Hubert and Mauss (1964) considered the recipient of sacrifice to be simply a hypostatization of society itself.
CHAPTER THREE
HISTORY AND CULTURE OF IGBO
IGBO PEOPLE AND ITS HISTORY
The word Igbo is used as a double signifier. On the one hand, it refers to one of the three major ethnic groups in Nigeria. On the other hand, it is used to designate the language of this group, the Igbo people of Nigeria. The Igbo belong to the Sudanic linguistic group of the Kwa division (Uchendu, 1965; Onwuejeogwu, 1981). Igbo language is characterized by its tonality, the monosyllabic root-words and an absence of inflexional endings. In terms of location, the Igbo occupy the bulk of the South-eastern parts of Nigeria. It is usually said that while the other two major ethnic groups in Nigeria (the Hausa and the Yoruba) also inhabit other countries in Africa, the Igbo are found as an indigenous population in no other country in the world than their present Nigerian setting. Igbo elders have maintained that the Igbo are indigenous to their present location in Nigeria and had not migrated from elsewhere to their present location.
The Igbo have a common border with the Igala and the Idoma on the Northern part of Nigeria, the Ijaw and Ogoni on the South, the Yako and Ibibio on the Eastern boundary and the Bini and Warri on the West. The principal rivers are Niger, Imo, Anambra, and the Ulasi River. The Niger divides the Igbo into two uneven areas. The bulk of the population lives east of the Niger, with heavy concentration at Okigwe, Orlu, Owerri, Onitsha, and Awka. The other part of the Igbo group lives west of the Niger.
Igboland has a tropical climate. The average annual temperature is about 80°F, with an annual range of between 5 and 10°. There are two marked seasons of the year among the Igbo. These include the dry season and the rainy season. The former starts in October and ends in April. The latter commences in April and ends in October with a break in August (Ekwunife, 1990).
CHAPTER FOUR
TRADITIONAL SACRIFICE IN IBGOLAND RELIGION
IBGOLAND RELIGION
It must be noted ab initio that no definition of religion has general acceptance. Religion is so amazingly complex. It touches every aspect of human life. It involves morality, psychology, sociology and philosophical spheres of life. Therefore, any meaningful definition must recognize the universal aspects of religion and includes all the humanistic and social aspects of religion. No definition by any scholar has successfully and adequately accommodated the various aspects of this “enigma” called religion.
CHAPTER FIVE
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Conclusion
It is incontrovertible to assert that the use of religion has immensely contributed to the preservation of land in Igboland. The worship of the Earth-Goddess, the use of taboos, sacrilization of land and strict observance of religious festivals and rituals like the New Yam Festival have in no small measure helped to preserve the land at all times in Igboland. Land has remained a very important asset given to man by God. It has assisted man in many ways of human endeavours.
However, it can also be abused if people continue to commit abomination, which is disregarding of the taboos of the land and non worship of earth-goddess. Sacrilization of land is also relevant due to the fact some portions of the land are kept aside for future use. Thus the degradation of the environment and exploitation of the land by a few rich people is severely under heavy surveillance by community and the legal codes of the country.
Sacrifice is a complex phenomenon that has been universally found in the earliest known forms of worship. It is universally understood as the offering of a sense-perceptible gift to deity as an outward manifestation of veneration with the objective of attaining communion with deity. Their studies further reveal that an offering does not become a sacrifice until a real change has been effected in the visible gift (by slaying it, shedding its blood, burning it or pouring it out). As the meaning and importance of sacrifice cannot be established by a priori methods, every admissible theory of sacrifice must shape itself in accordance with the sacrificial systems of each religious tradition.
Sacrifices are not only directed to deities alone but also to the Supreme Being. The humanity has several reasons for offering sacrifice. It is also clear that there are materials for sacrifice as well as places where sacrifices are made. Sacrificial practices form the heart of religious adherents. Throughout the world, many adherents of different religious traditions still believe, especially in times of crisis, in the effectiveness of traditional religious sacrifices designed to meet their diverse needs. It would be grossly misleading, however, to conclude from this evidence that sacrifice is of value mainly or only for the pre-literate societies. Sacrifice, as noted by many scholars, is of the very essence of all known religions worldwide from the earliest times. Its purpose is variously to establish, regulate or rectify the relationship between humans and the divine or to appease the ancestors and the land. Through sacrifice, humans seek to encounter the divine, project themselves into the invisible world, penetrate into divine presence and commune with the deity. Sacrifice creates a bridge between humans and God and serves as a means of sustaining the established relationship. Its different forms depend on the nature of the relationship or favour sought from the deity. Ultimately, sacrifice is a human activity, its primary beneficiaries are the humans who offer them, not God or the deities to whom the offerings are made. Underlying the practice of sacrifice is the awareness that sin in its diverse forms (the destruction of right relationship with God, the ancestors, the land) creates a barrier between God, the invisible world and humans.
RECOMMENDATIONS
- The crucial step of trying to find solution to land issues in Igboland should start with the society recognizing that the need to revisit the traditional methods of land preservation.
- Since sacrifice entails interaction with the sacred, the priest who is imperfect, must enter gradually through recommended rituals into the sacred spheres which is traditional and recognized abode of the gods.
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